Casino Capitalism and the Cult of Winning—1983–1999

The lesson of the early 1990s was hard to miss: owning expensive properties financed with mountains of debt could be dangerous.

A name was much cheaper.Trump Taj Mahal Boardwalk Nightlife (generated using ChatGPT)

When Trump Tower opened on Fifth Avenue in 1983, Donald Trump was already a successful New York developer. Trump Tower made him something else.

It made him a celebrity.

The 58-story building was inseparable from the man whose name was attached to it. Bronze-colored glass, pink marble, a multi-story waterfall and expensive shops were part of the package, but so was Trump himself. He gave interviews, showed reporters around, and made sure that the building and its owner were presented together.

That turned out to be important.

Trump had discovered—or at least demonstrated—that the appearance of success had value of its own. A building could be real estate, but it could also be advertising. His name on the building suggested wealth, luxury, and success, and the building in turn reinforced the value of the name.

That feedback loop would become increasingly important over the next 16 years.

Atlantic City

Atlantic City seemed almost made for Trump.

Casino gambling had been legalized in New Jersey in 1976, and by the early 1980s Atlantic City was booming. Casinos were big, flashy, and heavily promoted. They generated enormous amounts of cash. They also required enormous amounts of capital.

Trump entered the market in partnership with Harrah’s, the casino subsidiary of Holiday Inn. Harrah’s at Trump Plaza opened on the Boardwalk in May 1984.

The partnership did not last.

Trump acquired Harrah’s interest on May 16, 1986, giving him essentially complete ownership of the casino. That was two years after it opened—not “within a year,” as the story is sometimes told.

By then Trump already had a second Atlantic City casino.

Hilton had built a nearly completed casino hotel in the marina district but ran into a problem that had nothing to do with the building itself: New Jersey regulators denied Hilton a casino license in February 1985. Hilton therefore never operated the property as a casino.

Trump bought it for about $320 million and opened it in June as Trump’s Castle.

That distinction matters. Trump did not pick up a failing casino whose previous owners had “lost” their license. He bought an almost-completed property from a company that had been denied permission to open it in the first place.

Trump now controlled two casinos.

Then came the Taj Mahal.

The Biggest Casino in the World

The Taj Mahal had begun as a Resorts International project. After a complicated takeover battle involving Trump and television producer Merv Griffin, Trump acquired the unfinished casino in 1988.

Finishing it required a staggering amount of money.

Trump raised $675 million through junk bonds carrying 14 percent interest.

That number is worth stopping over.

Fourteen percent interest on $675 million meant an enormous interest obligation before the casino could pay its employees, buy food, heat rooms, or turn a profit. The casino didn’t just have to be successful.

It had to be extraordinarily successful.

Trump had previously argued that he could finance the project through conventional bank loans at much lower rates. That financing did not materialize, and he turned to the high-interest bonds instead.

The Trump Taj Mahal opened in April 1990 amid all the expected spectacle. Trump called it the “eighth wonder of the world.” At the time, it was promoted as the world’s largest casino-hotel.

The building was certainly impressive.

The financing was considerably less impressive.

The Taj had barely opened before the mathematics began catching up with it.

By late 1990, Trump failed to make a required bond interest payment.

And the Taj was not his only problem.

When the Numbers Quit Cooperating

By April 1990, Trump and the businesses he controlled reportedly owed about $3.4 billion. Trump had personally guaranteed roughly $900 million of that.

That part of the story tends to disappear behind either Trump mythology or anti-Trump mythology.

The situation was genuinely dire.

Trump owned valuable properties, but he had borrowed heavily against them. As the economy weakened and real-estate values declined, he did not have enough cash to service all that debt.

People often describe what happened next as Trump “went bankrupt.”

That isn’t quite right either.

Donald Trump did not file personal bankruptcy.

His businesses did.

The distinction is important, but so is the rest of the sentence.

The Taj Mahal filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in 1991. Trump gave bondholders half of his ownership in return for debt concessions and a lower interest rate.

On March 9, 1992, Trump’s Castle and Trump Plaza also filed for Chapter 11 protection.

His Plaza Hotel in New York followed later that year.

Four major Trump properties had gone through bankruptcy proceedings in a remarkably short period.

But Trump himself survived.

And this is where the story becomes considerably more interesting than the simple claim that he was either a great businessman or a complete failure.

Too Big to Fail—Trump Style

Trump owed banks and bondholders enormous sums.

That gave his creditors power over him.

It also gave him a peculiar kind of power over them.

If Trump collapsed completely, the lenders would inherit a collection of casinos, hotels, an airline, real estate, and other assets that they would have to untangle, operate, or sell. Bankruptcy proceedings could drag on for years.

Meanwhile, the properties’ value could continue to deteriorate.

So creditors had to ask a practical question:

Would they recover more money by destroying Trump financially, or by keeping him in the game?

Many chose the second option.

Contemporary reporting shows just how extraordinary the negotiations became. Bondholders at Trump’s Castle, for example, discussed allowing Trump to remain associated with the casino and continue receiving a management fee because they believed a drawn-out bankruptcy fight might cost them even more.

The eventual restructuring dramatically reduced Trump’s personal debt. According to a 1992 Washington Post investigation, his personal indebtedness fell from roughly $900 million to about $155 million as lenders took properties, forgave debt, and restructured other obligations.

Trump lost plenty.

He lost control or ownership of assets. Creditors took substantial stakes in businesses. His airline disappeared from his control. His yacht went away. His financial independence was sharply constrained.

But he was still Donald Trump.

He still lived in Trump Tower.

His name was still on the casinos.

And perhaps most importantly, he was still famous.

For many businessmen, a financial collapse of that magnitude would have destroyed the public image that made future deals possible.

For Trump, the public image survived the financial collapse.

That may have been his most valuable asset.

Other People’s Money

The next step came in 1995.

Trump Hotels & Casino Resorts was formed in March and became a publicly traded company in June. Its stock traded on the New York Stock Exchange under a ticker symbol that could hardly have been more appropriate:

DJT.

The public company gave Trump access to another source of capital—investors.

Money raised through the stock and debt markets helped finance additional casino operations, including reacquiring the Trump Regency property in Atlantic City.

This is where “casino capitalism” becomes more than a clever phrase.

During the 1980s, Trump had expanded primarily through enormous amounts of borrowed money. When the deals worked, he stood to benefit enormously. When they failed, banks and bondholders had every incentive to restructure rather than force liquidation.

Now public shareholders could also carry some of the risk.

Trump remained chairman, president and chief executive officer of a company bearing his name. He continued to receive compensation and other economic benefits associated with the enterprise.

Trump’s appearance as a major casino operator therefore continued even though the underlying ownership and financial structure had changed considerably from the days when the properties were simply “Trump’s casinos.”

That difference between the public image and the underlying numbers is not a side issue.

It is the story.

Winning

The word “winning” gets used so often with Trump that it is tempting to turn it into a psychological theory.

There is no need.

The record is enough.

A particularly good example came in 1999.

On October 25, Trump Hotels & Casino Resorts issued a press release announcing third-quarter results. The company said it had beaten analysts’ earnings expectations.

It appeared to be another win.

There was a problem.

The reported result included an undisclosed one-time gain of $17.2 million.

Without that gain, revenue and income had actually declined from the previous year, and the company would have missed analysts’ expectations.

The Securities and Exchange Commission later found the press release materially misleading and concluded that the company had knowingly or recklessly issued it. In 2002, the SEC ordered Trump Hotels & Casino Resorts to cease and desist from further violations of federal securities law.

There may be no better illustration of the difference between the Trump image and the Trump financial story.

The company had not beaten expectations through improved operations.

But the announcement said it had.

For a time, the appearance of winning was the story.

Reinvention

Meanwhile, Trump was rebuilding his personal visibility.

He bought the Miss Universe organization in 1996. He remained a fixture of New York tabloids. His personal life generated publicity almost as reliably as his business ventures. In 1997, Trump International Hotel and Tower opened at Columbus Circle, putting the Trump name prominently back into Manhattan real estate.

The business model was also changing.

The lesson of the early 1990s was hard to miss: owning expensive properties financed with mountains of debt could be dangerous.

A name was much cheaper.

Licensing, management agreements and branding could produce income and publicity without necessarily requiring Trump to supply all—or sometimes much—of the underlying capital.

That model would become increasingly important after 2000.

The Trump of the late 1990s was therefore not quite the Trump of 1983.

He was still selling real estate.

Increasingly, however, he was selling Trump.

What Survived

Donald Trump did not emerge from the 1980s and 1990s with an uninterrupted record of business victories.

Far from it.

The Taj Mahal went bankrupt. Trump Plaza went bankrupt. Trump’s Castle went bankrupt. The Plaza Hotel went bankrupt. Banks absorbed losses. Bondholders made concessions. Contractors and other creditors were caught in the wreckage. Trump surrendered ownership interests and assets once presented as evidence of his extraordinary success.

But something survived all of it.

The name.

By the end of 1999, Trump had already demonstrated an unusual ability to separate personal image from business results.

A casino could fail while the Trump name remained valuable.

A company could lose money while Trump remained publicly identified with wealth.

Creditors could take ownership while his name stayed on the building.

A quarterly result could miss expectations while the press release announced it had beaten expectations.

None of that requires guessing what Donald Trump believed about himself.

We have the financial records.

We have the bankruptcies.

We have the creditor agreements.

We have the SEC findings.

And we have the public image that survived them.

By 1999, that image was becoming more important than the buildings that had originally created it.

Four years later, The Apprentice would put that image on national television and introduce millions of Americans to Donald Trump as the billionaire businessman who decided who won and who lost.

The interesting part is that the character had largely been created before the television show ever began.

 

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